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But there’s something he’s dying to see here: the prototypes for his long-promised wall on the U.S.-Mexico border. And there’s something he’s eager to do here: raise cash from the Beverly Hills crowd.

Trump’s arrival Tuesday will come just days after his Justice Department sued to block a trio of state laws designed to protect people living in the U.S. illegally. Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown likened it to “an act of war” with Trump’s administration.

“The State of California is sheltering dangerous criminals in a brazen and lawless attack on our Constitutional system of government,” Trump complained in his weekly address, accusing California’s leaders of being “in open defiance of federal law.”

“They don’t care about crime. They don’t care about death and killings. They don’t care about robberies,” he said, calling on Congress to block the state’s federal funds.

Last week, Oakland’s mayor warned residents of an impending immigration raid — a move that Trump called disgraceful and said put law enforcement officers at risk.

The state has also joined lawsuits aimed at stopping construction of Trump’s stalled border wall. And its judges have repeatedly ruled against policies Trump has tried to enact.

In recent months, Trump and other administration officials have threatened both to flood the state with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents and to pull ICE out of the state completely.

“I mean, frankly, if I wanted to pull our people from California, you would have a crying mess like you’ve never seen in California,” Trump said last month, predicting “crime like nobody has ever seen crime in this country.”

Meanwhile, Trump’s acting ICE director has repeatedly threatened to increase its enforcement footprint in the state in retaliation for its limited cooperation with federal immigration authorities — and he appears to be making good on his promise.

“California better hold on tight. They’re about to see a lot more special agents, a lot more deportation officers,” Thomas Homan said on Fox earlier this year before his agency conducted a series of raids.

White House officials said the trip has been in the works for months and the timing so close to recent flare-ups was coincidental.

When asked if Trump planned to play nice on the trip, White House spokeswoman Sarah Huckabee Sanders said, “Look, I think if anybody is stepping out of bounds here, it would be someone who is refusing to follow federal law, which is certainly not the president. And we’re going for what we hope to be an incredibly positive trip.”

Trump’s overnight visit will include a stop in San Diego to inspect eight sample designs for the wall he’s been raring to build. He will also be speaking with members of the military and traveling to Los Angeles for a splashy Beverly Hills fundraiser, where attendees will pay up to $250,000 per person.

Trump’s appearances in the left-leaning state during the 2016 campaign were marked by sometimes-violent clashes between his supporters and opposition groups. In some cases, protesters blocked traffic and threw rocks and beer bottles. Protests are expected during this trip.

Trump’s more than yearlong absence from the nation’s most populous state — home to 1 in 8 Americans and, by itself, the world’s sixth-largest economy — has been conspicuous but not surprising. Trump country, it’s not.

As a candidate, Trump suggested he could win California, a state that hasn’t supported a Republican for the White House in three decades.

Since his election, Sacramento has emerged as a vanguard in the so-called Trump resistance. Democratic state Attorney General Xavier Becerra has filed nearly 30 lawsuits to block administration proposals.

California was the home of Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, but Republican influence here has been fading for years as a surge in immigrants transformed the state and its voting patterns. The number of Hispanics, blacks and Asians combined has outnumbered whites since 1998. Meanwhile, the state’s new voters, largely Latinos and Asians, lean Democratic, and Democrats hold every statewide office and control both chambers of the Legislature by hefty margins.

Polls have found Trump deeply unpopular in the state, with most residents opposed to policies he’s championed, such as expanding offshore drilling.

Jessica Hayes, chairwoman of the San Diego County Democratic Party, said Trump’s anti-immigration rhetoric plays especially poorly in a state with close trade and tourism connections with Mexico.

“These are our neighbors. These are our friends,” she said.

Trump has repeatedly floated the idea of flying in to pick the winning design for the border wall, telling rallygoers last year in Alabama: “I’m going to go out and look at them personally and pick the right one.”

The Department of Homeland Security has said there’s nothing to stop Trump from turning the wall design contest into a Miss Universe-style pageant.

But the department also says it doesn’t anticipate that a single prototype will be selected. Instead, the samples are expected “to inform future border wall design standards,” said spokesman Tyler Houlton.

“If you want to sign, sign. But we are not responsible for the life of your father,” Teresa Tobar, 36, quoted the doctors in Venezuela as telling her when they handed over the papers to authorize her father’s surgery.

As Venezuela’s economic crisis worsens, rising numbers are fleeing in a burgeoning refugee crisis that is drawing alarm across Latin America. Independent groups estimate that as many as 3 million to 4 million Venezuelans have abandoned their homeland in recent years, with several hundred thousand departing in 2017 alone.

Many of those migrants are arriving by foot in Colombia and landing in the Andean nation’s emergency rooms with urgent medical conditions that Venezuelan hospitals can no longer treat.

According to health officials, Venezuelans made nearly 25,000 visits to Colombian ERs last year, up from just 1,500 in 2015. At hospitals in border cities like Cucuta, patients are packed side by side on stretchers that spill into hallways, not much unlike the deplorable conditions they fled back home. Authorities project that Venezuelan admissions to Colombian hospitals could double in 2018 and say the nation’s already overstretched public health system is unprepared to handle the sudden swell.

“We are not in a position to assume the cost of the comprehensive care for the migrants arriving,” said Julio Saenz, an adviser on migrant affairs to Colombia’s Health Ministry. “That’s a very big concern.”

The Venezuelans are fleeing an increasingly authoritarian government that has been unable to halt skyrocketing inflation that renders wages nearly worthless and forces millions to go hungry. In Cucuta, ground zero for an exodus that has spread across Latin America, migrants say their nation’s rapidly deteriorating health system is also forcing them to leave as everything from simple antibiotics to critical chemotherapy drugs become hard to find or impossible to afford.

“I said to myself, ‘I have nowhere else to go,’” recalled Grecia Sabala, a 32-year-old mother who journeyed to Colombia seeking treatment for cervical cancer after doctors in Venezuela were unable to provide chemotherapy and her city’s only radiation machine broke. “I’m going to the border to look for a cure.”

Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro has refused to allow humanitarian aid to enter the struggling nation, denying there is a crisis and contending that permitting international relief could pave the way for foreign intervention. But what little data officials have released indicates Venezuelans are facing mounting health challenges. Cases of infant and maternal mortality have risen sharply and long-eradicated maladies like diphtheria have re-emerged.

At least one Venezuelan child has died in Colombia from malnutrition, seeking treatment too late, and officials say many others are arriving dangerously underweight.

Health officials are particularly concerned about the spread of infectious diseases. Authorities confirmed numerous cases of malaria, tuberculosis and HIV among Venezuelan migrants last year.

“It’s increasing the numbers of some illnesses that we had under control,” Saenz said.

By law, Colombia’s hospitals are required to treat any person, local or foreign, who shows up at an emergency room. But many Venezuelans are arriving with chronic conditions like cancer and diabetes that require expensive, continuing care. Health institutions in Colombia are not required to provide those treatments.

“We handle the emergency room care, but beyond that there is no more we can do,” said Juan Ramirez, director of the Erasmo Meoz Hospital in Cucuta.

Cucuta health officials estimate the cost of caring for Venezuelan migrants will climb millions of dollars this year. Most of that cost ends up being funded by cash-strapped local institutions that say they need the help of the central government and international community.

Aside from providing health care, border cities are also coping with an array of public safety issues, like a rise in prostitution and groups of men, women and children sleeping on the streets. There is also a widespread perception of worsening crime, though police in Cucuta say the incidents remain relatively isolated.

President Juan Manuel Santos is under pressure to declare a social emergency, freeing up additional resources, and the top U.S. Agency for International Development official for Latin America recently visited Cucuta to evaluate how the Trump administration can help its close ally respond to the growing crisis.

“At some point, it’s going to be unpayable,” said Juan Alberto Bitar, head of the health agency overseeing Cucuta.

Colombia’s health ministry is planning to deploy a half dozen mobile units near the border to treat minor conditions. A Colombia Red Cross medical tent stationed at the foot of the Simon Bolivar International Bridge where about 35,000 Venezuelans enter the country each day — most for short stays to find food or work — already treats several hundred each week. Workers said many of the patients arrive after fainting on the journey because they had nothing to eat.

Michel Briceno, the young new mother who fled to Colombia after the incision from her C-section became infected, said she knew she had to leave after learning that several other women at the same hospital in Venezuela had also gotten ill and died. When her pelvis began to swell, she and her husband gathered their toddler son and newborn daughter and boarded a small bus for a 12-hour ride into Colombia with excruciating pain she rated a nine on a scale of 10.

Seated on a hospital bed as her infant squirmed beside her, Briceno said she had no doubt about what the outcome might have been if she stayed in Venezuela.

“I would have died,” she said.

The bill, which passed both chambers of the Legislature on bipartisan votes, was just one of several Martinez vetoed or signed Wednesday, the deadline for her to act on bills passed during the session.

Martinez was poised last year to claim from one of her predecessors, Gary Johnson, the mantle of “Governor No” for her liberal use of the veto pen. But this year, with the session focusing primarily on the state budget and a slate of bipartisan legislation, there was not nearly as much for the outgoing governor to nix.

Martinez signed a bill that will allow consolidation of nonpartisan local elections, such as for school boards, hospital districts and, potentially, some town governments. The governor signed, too, a bill that will change the state’s lottery scholarship program to provide college students with a flat amount of funding rather than a percentage of their in-state tuition.

Proponents of the scholarship measure, including university leaders and some student groups, had argued it would help control rising tuition costs at state schools.

Legislation Martinez left unsigned Wednesday was automatically vetoed, including a measure providing tax credits for households and small businesses that install solar panels.

Los Alamos

With several universities eyeing the contract to manage Los Alamos National Laboratory, concerns emerged among policymakers that local governments stand to lose a vital source of tax revenue.

The Los Alamos lab is now managed by a consortium that includes the University of California and the for-profit company Bechtel, as well as other corporations. Because the consortium includes for-profit firms, it is required to pay the state’s gross receipts tax.

But nonprofit organizations are not required to pay the tax, which could lead to Los Alamos County and the state losing tens of millions of dollars in annual revenue if a university is awarded the lab contract.

In vetoing SB 17, Martinez wrote that it was “poorly-crafted tax policy.”

She argued the loss would be less than expected because subcontractors working at the lab likely would be taxed.

And requiring a nonprofit to pay a tax that it currently is not required to pay could cost the state jobs and put New Mexico at a competitive disadvantage, she wrote.

The governor also suggested lawmakers should have ended the tax exemption for nonprofits altogether rather than creating legislation that only affected contractors at the lab and similar facilities.

Ultimately, Martinez raised a recurring grievance of lawmakers and the governor alike: that the Legislature had not passed a broader overhaul of the state’s tax code.

“It’s just a very sorry excuse for devastating a local government,” said Sen. Carlos Cisneros, a Democrat from Questa who co-sponsored the bill.

Rep. Stephanie Garcia Richard, a Democrat from Los Alamos, said the veto left her community “in limbo.”

Public safety

Fail to pay a fine for not maintaining working windshield wipers, and the state can suspend your driver’s license.

That practice could have ended under a bipartisan public safety bill approved during the session.

But Martinez, in signing the bill, used her veto pen to keep that policy in law.

She argued that ending the ability to suspend driver’s licenses in some cases would hamper the ability to enforce state laws.

Criminal justice reform advocates have argued, however, that the practice disproportionately punishes the poor, who are less able to pay monetary fines and may have limited means of transportation.

The governor’s line-item veto raised an interesting, if arcane, question about her authority.

Typically, the governor cannot use veto power to change the meaning of a bill and can only line-item veto a piece of legislation — or strike part of it — when the measure involves spending.

The American Civil Liberties Union of New Mexico, which had supported the crime bill, suggested lawmakers consider whether to sue over the partial veto.

“We were pleased to see the governor finally sign a public safety bill that contained smart criminal justice reform,” Executive Director Peter Simonson said in a statement. “Unfortunately, the governor struck some of the most important components of this bipartisan legislation, and in doing so, we have very serious concerns that she may have violated the New Mexico Constitution.”

The bill had won backing from an unlikely coalition.

Designed to advance a few ideas on public safety from the left and right, it will toughen penalties for violent felons caught with a firearm while ensuring many nonviolent, minor offenses, such as cruising, are no longer punishable with jail time. The bill also appropriates several thousand dollars to provide bonuses for senior police officers, expands behavioral health services for jail inmates and stiffens the rules for drunken drivers seeking to have an ignition interlock device removed from their vehicles.

Elections

Vote early and vote less often. That is the idea behind a bill the governor signed Wednesday that will consolidate local elections, such as school board and hospital district races, on a single day in the November of odd-numbered years.

Town governments may opt in, too, cutting down on what is now a seemingly never-ending cycle of elections for all manner of local boards.

Backers, including Democratic Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver, argue the move will ensure more voters participate in decision-making that can affect their schools, environment and taxes.

“Consolidating nonpartisan local elections reduces confusion and election fatigue for voters, and will lead to increased voter participation in local elections,” Toulouse Oliver said in a statement.

Solar energy

Legislation the governor did not sign by the deadline Wednesday died by what is known as a pocket veto, or an automatic veto.

That was the case with a proposal to renew tax credits for homes and small businesses to install solar panels.

Martinez has been cool to such proposals in the past.

Backers had argued the measure was key to supporting the solar energy industry, especially as the federal government adopts tariffs on imported solar panels that are expected to raise the price of such technology for the average consumer.

Some solar energy companies backing Senate Bill 79, sponsored by Sen. Mimi Stewart, D-Albuquerque, warned that Martinez’s pocket veto of the measure might force them to lay off staff.

Infrastructure

Capital outlay is one of those arcane processes that has come to epitomize government inefficiency.

Each year, each legislator gets a portion of funds to dedicate to particular infrastructure projects.

Sometimes, lawmakers pool their money together for particularly big projects, such as building roads.

Other times, the money goes to smaller expenses, such as police cars and sewage system improvements.

There is plenty of pork, too. And often, lawmakers dedicate less money than a project might require, leaving public money dedicated to a cause that is not going anywhere anytime soon.

Martinez signed off on this year’s round of capital outlay spending, which totaled nearly $180 million in funds for projects around the state. But she scolded legislators for some spending.

She vetoed a long list of expenses, ranging from $50,000 for a bust of a Hispanic Civil War hero to $275,000 for docks on a lake near Dexter and $73,000 for a sound system at The University of New Mexico’s baseball facilities.

Martinez also nixed language that would have allowed for some funding to be used for playgrounds at nearly two dozen sites around the state. That action drew criticism from Rep. Matthew McQueen.

“The Governor goes on a veto rampage against children’s playgrounds. Why?” tweeted McQueen, a Democrat from Galisteo. “Construction of playgrounds creates work as much as any other capital construction project, even if in smaller units, and has lasting benefits for the health and wellbeing of our kids.”